Comparative analysis of political participation Essay Example for Free

Comparative analysis of political participation Essay The change in political participation is currently a hotly discussed topic. Low turnouts in the 2001 and 2005 UK general elections, along with falling membership of political parties have led political organisations to discover the reasons for this (BBC, 2006). One method is to use comparative analysis. This â€Å"is about comparing aspects of countries’ political systems† (Dobson, 2005, p.140) to try to understand why a phenomenon occurs in one country or time period but not in another. This essay looks at two factors, which evidence suggests affect political participation: gender and socio-economic standing. It examines whether comparative analysis is a useful tool for studying this topic. It concludes that whilst comparative politics is helpful at identifying participation trends, it is too simplistic to provide practical answers and that further studies are required to reveal useful outcomes. Historically, conventional ways for citizens to participate in politics were by voting in elections and joining a political party. The decline in these activities has led some to believe there is political apathy in Britain. However Helena Kennedy (cited by White, 2006, p.4), chair of the Commission which produced the Power to the People report (2006) denies this, saying that despite â€Å"no longer want[ing] to join a party or get involved in formal politics,† people instead take direct action by raising money for charities, joining protest marches, signing petitions and undertaking volunteering work within their communities. The possibility for differing definitions of key outcomes is a disadvantage for comparative analysis. A study that defines participation in terms such as voting or contacting politicians will conclude that political participation has decreased and supports the political apathy theory, whereas, a study such as the Citizen Audit (2001), using â€Å"unorthodox† definitions, such as membership of political organisations (anything from trade unions to community groups) or financially supporting activist organisations, find that participation is still strong. The Citizen Audit â€Å"found that approximately 40 per cent of adults belong to at least one political organisation† (Smith, 2005, p.83)  and â€Å"there is little evidence of widespread apathy† (Smith, 2005, p.84). When trying to create policies to increase political participation, these conflicting results are unhelpful. Following a 2002 European Union directive, which required member states to â€Å"promote equality in relation to sexual orientation, age and religion in addition to race, gender and disability† (Squires, 2005, p.119), European governments began to initiate changes to the way women were represented within parliament. Governments did not necessarily choose the same initiatives and comparative analysis is useful to identify quickly the comparative success of each government’s initiatives. (See table 1, Appendix). Political systems are hugely complex and as Dobson states; â€Å"Each day most of us find ourselves describing, explaining and predicting something. Comparative politics is no more, then, than carrying out these apparently basic human activities in the context of what we are calling ‘political worlds’ † (Dobson, 2005, p.143). Comparing what happens in different countries or different political systems enables the analysis of differences and similarities and thereby, identifying factors that can be applied generally to simplify complex systems. For example Table 1 shows that Nordic countries have significantly higher levels of female participation in comparison to the UK. A policy maker, looking to increase participation by UK women, can then look at why there is such a large disparity between the two countries and whether there is something the UK could learn from Nordic policy. This illustrates another advantage of comparative study; it gives opportunity to expand one’s knowledge of political worlds. For comparison there must be at least two things to compare which must be evidently different. In political comparison, this is often two different countries and even if one is one’s own, the other will not be and â€Å"if we assume that knowledge of others is a prerequisite for finding our way around, and managing, a globalizing world, then comparative politics seems to be of increasing practical importance† (Dobson, 2005, p.143). Expanding one’s knowledge is generally auspicious and simplifying complex  information is usually advantageous although over simplification is a risk. Table 2 shows the same information as table 1 but for the elections that were held closest to the time of the aforementioned EU directive. Figure 1 shows the percentage point difference between both elections. Using this information, that same policy maker may feel that focussing on France’s policies would be of much greater value than that of the Nordic countries as, in only 10 years, France has almost doubled the amount of women who hold parliamentary seats. Comparing and ranking countries can be useful but, as illustrated here, it is only part of a story and great care must be taken when interpreting comparative data. Oversimplification is a distinct risk of comparative analysis. It is possible to mitigate the risk by undertaking more study, producing more data and a more sophisticated and detailed analysis to guide forecasting or policy change. It is important that one considers this potential issue when working with conclusions drawn from comparative analysis. In 2005 the Electoral Commission produced a research report, Social Exclusion and Political Engagement. Its aim was to explore â€Å"why those experiencing social disadvantage tend to also be the most politically excluded in society.† (Electoral Commission, 2005) Looking at the aim of this report highlights an advantage of using comparative politics but also a disadvantage. The advantage is that it allows testing of hypotheses; in this case, those who experience social disadvantage are more likely to be politically excluded. By comparing different circumstances, one can find out what factors affect the political situation in a country, giving an idea as to what particular social/financial or other conditions might give rise to say, reform or revolution in the future. The possibility to predict outcomes is especially important for politicians; â€Å"the possibility of knowing that under certain social conditions, policy X will produce outcome Y† (Dobson, 2005, p.144) all ows them to make informed policy decisions. The disadvantage is that in research, subjectivity and objectivity can sometimes be lost. Baxter, (cited by Dobson, 2005, p.146) points out; â€Å"Research is not a wholly objective activity carried out by detached scientists. It is a social activity powerfully affected by the researcher’s  own motivations and values.† In this case, the researcher(s) has(ve) already taken on the axiom that those with social disadvantages are politically excluded. This does not necessarily mean that conclusions drawn by social scientists are useless it just means that it is important that anyone working with these conclusions is aware that they â€Å"might be ‘contaminated’ by their [comparative scientists’] own motivations and values† (Dobson, 2005, p.154). The report drew together much information on the subject and found that the ‘working class’ (C2DEs) were 21 percentage points less likely to vote than the ‘middle class’ (ABC1), 60% to 41%. It also found â€Å"ABC1s twice as likely as C2DEs to take advantage of the opportunity to contact their elected representatives: two-thirds of those who present their views to their councillors or MPs are ABC1s†¦ Political activism is higher among ABC1s than C2DEs (23% as compared to 7%). Across a range of different activities which could still be defined as ‘political’, there is a correlation with class and income†¦ those in the lowest social class, the poorest in society and the less educated were less likely to be politically active than those who are in a higher social class† (Electoral Commission, 2005, p.9). This gives a lot of interesting information and seems to make it clear that there is a correlation between social class and political participation but then it could be argued that it does not really say anything useful. It illustrates a difference but it does not give any reason for this difference. It does not give any principles that one could draw from the comparisons to enable one to make wider or more generalised conclusions about what would lessen the gap. Anyone using the data runs the risk of putting their own interpretation on the results, as stated by Lewis (cited in Dobson, 2005, p.157) â€Å"the development of the comparatives’ tools seems to involve the interpretation of political reality rather than its simple and problem-free observation†. The other difficulty with this is that people interpret things in different ways and one person’s interpretation of these results might not be another’s. This runs the risk of further confusion rather tha n clarifying issues. To conclude, Dobson asks; â€Å"Whether, despite their peculiarities, we can build  theories for comparing political worlds that will enable us to offer general truths about them. Or are we only ever able to tell stories about them – stories rich in specific detail but devoid of generalizable truths?† (Dobson, 2005, p.140). Comparative analysis is a key tool in identifying trends in participation. It also allows for the testing of hypothesis and for simplification of complicated data, with the possibility of expanding ones knowledge; all notable advantages. However, the disadvantages of contamination and misinterpretation along with the possibility for over simplification reveal crucial limitations, meaning that comparative analysis offers little in the way of definitive predictions about or practical answers which could influence political participation. References BBC, 2006. Political system faces ‘meltdown’. BBC UK Politics. Available at: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk_politics/4753876.stm [Accessed 3 December, 2014]. Electoral Commission, 2005. Available at: http://www.electoralcommission.org.uk/__data/assets/pdf_file/0007/63835/Social-exclusion-and-political-engagement.pdf [Accessed 4 December, 2014]. Dobson, A., Story telling and theory building: comparing political worlds. In: Lewis, P ed. 2005. Exploring Political Worlds. Milton Keynes, The Open University Smith, M., Taking part in politics. In: Lewis, P ed. 2005. Exploring Political Worlds. Milton Keynes, The Open University Squires, J., Common citizenship and plural identities: the politics of social difference. In: Lewis, P ed. 2005. Exploring Political Worlds. Milton Keynes, The Open University White, I., Power Inquiry, 2006. Power to the People: the report of Power, an Independent Inquiry into Britain’s Democracy. Commons Library Standard Note, Power to the People: the report of Power, an Independent Inquiry into Britain’s Democracy. Commons Library Standard Note. Available at: http://www.parliament.uk/briefing-papers/SN03948/power-to-the-people-the-report-of-power-an-independent-inquiry-into-britains-democracy [Accessed 3 December, 2014]. Whiteley, P.F., Pattie, C. and Seyd, P., Citizen Audit of Great Britain, 2000-2001 [computer file]. Colchester, Essex: UK Data Archive [distributor], March 2005. SN: 5099, http://dx.doi.org/10.5255/UKDA-SN-5099-1

The Supernatural in Shakespeares Macbeth :: GCSE English Literature Coursework

Use of the Supernatural in Macbeth      Shakespeare’s Macbeth has many supernatural actions. Although all of supernatural do not have exactly same role in the play, the main purposes of supernatural are to attract the attention from audience [manipulation], to foreshadow future events, to show the characteristics of individual, and to connect the idea with theme. In the play, the supernatural occurs: witchesà ­ appearance throughout the story, the strange behavior of Macbeth after the murderer of King Duncan, the situation of nature in Scotland, appearance of Banquoà ­s ghost and imagination of dagger which was flying in the air. Firstly, the story starts with weird sistersà ­ conversation under strong thunder and lightning. It is very effective way to attract the attention from audience: First Witch says with scary voice, "When shall we three meet again, In thunder, lightning, or in rain ?" (I, i, 1-2) The very first scene is not only attractive, but also there is an important clue for the things to be happened in the future [foreshadowing]. We learn that there is something going to happen with Macbeth à ± Macbeth wins for his life, but he also is going to lose for his life: "There to meet with Macbeth" (I, i, 7) "Fair is foul, and foul is fair." (I, i, 11)The speech of Witches also contains a theme. "When one wins, one must lose" is a possible theme that can be taken from the speech: "When the battle is lost and won" (I, i, 4) The witches continue appearing throughout the story to give us the excitement, hint and theme.    Secondly, Macbeth loses his mind after the killing of King Duncan. Is it attractive ? By considering the situation, it can be said that it is attractive à ± When he reenters into the play after killing of Duncan, he is a completely different man, like a stone. We must be surprised that if Macbeth is standing up with bloody face, bloody swords in his hands and talks something that does not make senses at all: "Why did you bring these daggers from the place ?" (II, ii, 48) It also shows characteristics of Macbeth. Macbeth can easily fall into a confusion that he cannot recognize.    Thirdly, later in the story, Macbeth sees the Ghost of Banquo and the dagger in the air. However, the Ghost and dagger are only visible to Macbeth, and no one else is able to

Maquiladora Industry in United States

In this paper I will discuss the history and practices of the Maquiladora industry. I will discuss its background, its problems, the benefits it offers to United States companies, and the impact the NAFTA has and will have on the industry. In addition, I will make a suggestion on a possible strategy the Maquiladoras can adopt in order to address the challenges brought on by the NAFTA, to ensure it remains a strong force in the future. Mexican agricultural workers had been granted temporary work visas allowing them to work in the United States† agricultural industries through a program called the Bracero Program until 1965 when this program was terminated. As a result of this termination, the unemployment rate had exceeded 70% in certain border cities. In May of 1965 the Border Industrialization Program was established as a replacement for the Bracero program. It was later renamed the Maquiladora Program. The program was established by the Mexican government to provide employment for Mexico†s rapidly growing population along its border with the United States. This program was utilized to keep Mexicans from entering the United States. The idea was that Mexican workers would be kept on the Mexican side of the border if they were given factory jobs on the Mexican side. The Maquiladora program also wanted to attract foreign manufacturing facilities, technology, and know-how by giving a permanent tax holiday to manufacturing companies that would set up â€Å"twin plants† on the Mexican side of the border. In the beginning of the program, all foreign-owned operations had to be located within a 20-kilometer strip along the US-Mexican border. Since 1972 they can be located anywhere in Mexico. In 1996 there were around 2,500 Maquiladoras – 35% of them were located in the interior states of Mexico. Last year there were over 3,000 and more and more of these operations are being located outside of the border regions. Each of Mexico†s 31 states has at least one Maquiladora. Maquiladoras, also referred to as â€Å"in bond† or â€Å"twin† plants, are allowed to temporarily import into Mexico (free of tax) machinery, equipment, replacement parts, raw materials, and just about anything that was used in the assembly or manufacture of semi-finished or finished products. Once assembled or manufactured, the Maquila products must be exported unless special permission is obtained to sell a limited amount of output in the Mexican market. When these products are imported back to the United States, import duties are levied on the foreign value-added only. If Maquila products stay in Mexico, the are subject to applicable Mexican duties. The largest issue surrounding the Maquiladora industry is the exploitation of cheap labor. The working conditions are often unsafe, workers are not compensated adequately for their labor, attempts to unionize are discouraged; and sexual discrimination and harassment are too common. The conditions in and outside the Maquiladoras are terrible. Workers perform tasks such as welding without protective masks, leather gloves, or goggles (in many instances) and industrial accidents and toxic exposures are common. This, along with malnutrition caused by low salaries, produce skin illnesses, cancer, irregularities in menstruation, abortions, tumors, intoxication and birth of undernourished or disabled babies. Of the employees, many are young girls and women ranging from the ages of 14 to 20. They work 6 days a week in 10-hour shifts. The average weekly salary for a Maquiladora worker is US$35 – $45 even though the average monthly rent for a house with public services such as running water and electricity is around $200 a month. For the most part, Maquiladoras are unorganized. In those that are organized, state-controlled unions represent the workers. Although some companies are unionized on paper, the unions, for the most part, function to reinforce management policies rather than for the benefit of workers. Then there are what are called â€Å"phantom† unions. These unions do not fight for the worker†s rights. The workers do not even know them and have never seen their union leaders. When a conflict arises in a factory, management informs the worker that their unions have accept these or those conditions. Not only are they not protected by existing unions, those that attempt to unionize and are often threatened or bribed by plant managers and the government. In many companies, discrimination against and harassment of the female employees is very common. Female job applicants are required to produce urine samples to be used for pregnancy test, while some have company doctors and nurses examine the applicants or ask confidential information concerning their contraceptive practices. This is done because pregnant women are refused employment. Sexual harassment is often the rule rather than the exception. Rapes occur frequently and few are reported because women fear being fired or blacklisted. Shame and humiliation also keep them quiet. In Mexico, men and women are equal before the law, but the law does not recognize discrimination as a problem to be solved. The Pollution Brought on by the Maquiladoras The increased pollution, accompanied by the dumping of tons of hazardous wastes, poses a serious health threat to the residents of Mexico as well as the resident of the bordering US states. There are several canals that are â€Å"black† with chemical wastes that have been measured at levels that greatly exceed permissible standards. One factory was caught dumping drums of paint, solvents, and shellac into a drain. In other areas there are abandoned lead smelters and air full of soot and dust from brick-making ovens and smoldering tire dumps. Main Advantages for the United States† Companies For the United States companies this was a great advantage since Maquiladoras operates at very low costs in places where the currency is weaker than the dollar–such as Mexico. The less a currency is worth, the more relative value the dollar has. Since Mexico†s peso is relatively week, companies can trade their dollars for pesos with which they pay workers and expenses. The products they manufacture, however, are sold for dollars, increasing their profits by huge margins whenever the local currency falls. They could enhance competitiveness, reduce their costs, and maintain quality by placing their labor-intensive operations in the less developed Mexico, benefiting from the lower wage rates there. For many US companies, manufacturing in Mexico has become necessary to battle overseas competition. Since many manufacturers are moving to â€Å"just-in-time† inventory systems, the quick delivery possible from Mexico†s border towns offers a substantial advantage over Asian alternatives. The NAFTA†s Impact on the Maquiladora Industry Traditionally, Maquiladoras offered foreign businesses several advantages over other forms of direct foreign investment. Since the signing of NAFTA, however, many of these advantages are either being phased-out or granted to all Mexican companies. The most significant advantages of operating as a Maquiladoras include: 100% foreign investment, operation without ownership of assets, tax sheltering of cost centers, and 100% duty-drawback or waivers for temporary imports. Furthermore, the NAFTA attempted to address the labor exploitation and environmental problems associated with the Maquiladora industry. One of the benefits of the Maquiladora program is 100% foreign investment of Mexican operations, which formerly was not allowed. However, Mexico†s Foreign Investment Law has changed through the years (most significantly in 1989 and 1994)-full investment is now allowed in most business ventures. Operation Without Ownership of Assets Another advantage that Maquiladoras have is that they can receive production materials and capital goods as loans from their parent and client companies. As a result, most Maquiladoras have little of no inventory of fixed assets, eliminating the need to pay the Mexican asset tax of 2% of all assets. In January 1995, the Mexican IRS reported that Maquiladoras would now have to factor the depreciation of â€Å"loaned† assets in price-transfer calculations, which is the first step toward phasing-out this advantage by 2001. When Maquiladoras are structured as cost center (providing manufacturing services for a foreign parent) the foreign corporation has traditionally paid the Mexican company for operating costs plus negligible profit. By doing this they avoid Mexico†s 34% corporate income tax, 10% mandatory profit sharing, and asset taxes. Now the Mexican IRS is changing the way Maquiladoras must declare assets. Over the next few years, Maquiladoras will be forced to raise their declared profit percentage to a rate that is comparable to that of two unrelated companies performing the same transaction at â€Å"arm†s length†. This is the type of transfer pricing procedure that is implemented by most trading blocks, like the EC. It will soon be effect throughout North America. 100% Duty-Drawback or Waivers for Temporary Imports Maquiladoras have always allowed Mexican companies 100% duty drawback or waivers in imported components that are exported as final goods. Since 1994, this has provided many Maquiladora programs a way to use non-NAFTA materials within products without the need to pay the corresponding duties over those materials when importing or exporting goods to other NAFTA nations. On January 1, 2001, Maquiladoras that manufacture goods for export to NAFTA partner countries will no longer be allowed to take the waiver. The waiver will still be available for goods that are going to non-NAFTA countries. In 1995 the NAFTA†s of Labor created the National Administrative Office (NAO) as well as the North American Agreement on Labor Cooperation (NAALC). Both were intended to stop labor abuses. The NOA was established to monitor labor complaints that NAFTA critic†s voice regarding unfair labor practices. The NAO can recommend â€Å"ministerial consultations† as well as imposed heavy sanctions against Mexico. Unfortunately, the side agreements proved useless. The NOA cannot force Maquiladoras to allow unions-the most they can do is recommend â€Å"ministerial consultations.† Sexual harassment and discrimination continues as well. The NAFTA has also created side agreements covering the environment. One of them is the North American Development Bank (NAD Bank). Its purpose was to finance wastewater treatment projects along the border in the poorer communities. However, the most important criteria that needed to be met in order to receive funds were meeting certain market considerations. With this program NAFTA â€Å"encouraged† growth without regard for the environment through its practice of placing market consideration above environmental protection. Another is the Commission for Economic Cooperation (CEC). The CEC was established to investigate governmental non-enforcement of environmental laws. Unfortunately it has no power to enforce ,they can only investigate-and they can†t even do that until Mexico collects the data on the pollution for them. Possible Strategy for the Maquiladora Industry As long as the Mexican currency is weaker than the US dollar I don†t think that the changes are going to dramatically effect the flow of US companies to the south. However, the Maquiladora industry cannot count on this for continued growth. By the year 2001 the Maquiladora industry as we know it now will have significantly changed when the phasing out is complete. Maquiladoras will no longer be â€Å"tax break† establishments; they will be just like other foreign investments. In order for them to fully compete in the near future they must become more efficient and leaner. The impact of globalization is forcing manufacturers to produce more rapidly and cheaply than ever before and to continuously improve. Because there will be no differentiation between the non-Maquiladora and Maquiladora industries I feel the inefficient producers will be wiped out. Therefor, Maquiladora employees will need better training, education, incentives as well improved working conditions and higher wages. Operations will also have to be streamlined in order to reap the benefits of economies of scale and scope. In addition, Mexicans as well as US citizens will start to demand more accountability from the Mexican government and the Maquiladora industry. They need to be more responsible for their actions. What will the U.S. corporations do when human rights activists and environmentalists start lobbying and protesting on their US sites? Do they want to risk losing their shareholders to this type of negative attention?

The Great Gatsby Displaying the Corruption of the American...

The Great Gatsby: The Corruption of the American Dream In the 1920’s many people left their countries to come to America seeking for the American dream. The American Dream meant being successful and happy. Many people started to learn that they couldn’t find that happiness without the money. In Fitzgerald’s novel, The Great Gatsby, the characters based their lives off of wealth and materialism, forgetting what the real idea of the American dream was. Throughout the story, Daisy, Gatsby and Myrtle illustrated disillusionment of the American dream. To start off, Daisy illustrated disillusionment of the American dream throughout the story. For example, Daisy was born into a rich family, married a rich man, was reunited with her lost†¦show more content†¦Since Gatsby was poor before, he wanted to show Daisy that now he was rich. Another reason how Gatsby showed disillusionment of the American dream was bootlegging and being involved in other shady activities . He did this in order to get his money. The American dream meant earning ones money, not being involved in crime. He lied to his friends saying he went to Oxford College and was very well educated. Even though Gatsby did have a lot of money and lavish things, he never was completely content without Daisy. Lastly, Myrtle illustrated disillusionment of the American dream by switching roles whenever she would go from the Valley of Ashes to her and Tom’s condo in New York. For example, when she was on her way to the condo with Tom, she made him purchase her a puppy, â€Å"Mrs. Wilson gathered up her dog and her other purchases and walked haughtily in† (Fitzgerald 28). Myrtle acted stuck up as if she owned the place even though she was really poor. She was trying to be someone she’s not. She thought that being surrounded by such a lavish lifestyle would grant her happiness. Another reason how Myrtle demonstrated disillusionment of the American dream was her relation ship with George. 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